Bolivia Reclaims Vinto, Unveiling a Tangled Web
Morales has called 2007 the year of recovering Bolivia’s mineral resources. And while Vinto is another step in the process, this move by the Morales administration goes deep into Bolivia – revisiting historical exploitation of the country’s resources and strange bedfellows with direct ties to Washington D.C.
Skeletons in the Closet
President Morales and Mining Minister Guillermo Dallence recently announced that Bolivia will not compensate Glencore for the nationalization of the Vinto plant. Morales called the privatization sale of the company illegal. Meanwhile, Vinto’s owner - the Swiss company Glencore Mining International AG - has threatened to seek international mediation against Bolivia, stating it will take all means necessary to guarantee full compensation.
The Economist called Morales’ move a “political vendetta”, but if the past actions of both Glencore and its original founder, Marc Rich are any indication of its business ethics - Morales may be correct.
Glencore is one of the world's largest suppliers of commodities and raw materials, and is also among the world's largest privately held companies. The company boasts a checkered history, rife with unethical behavior and powerful friends in high places.
Glencore was formerly Marc Rich & Company and its founder was involved in one of the largest tax frauds in U.S. history. Charged with tax evasion of $48 million dollars, Rich was once considered America's most-wanted white collar criminal and listed on the FBI's most-wanted list. He and his partner were eventually pardoned in 2001 during President Bill Clinton’s last few hours in office. Rich's lawyer from 1985 to 2000 was Scooter Libby - Vice-President Dick Cheney's former Chief of Staff who was forced to resign in 2005 and is currently facing trial for perjury.
An oil trader during the 1970’s, Rich became a billionaire trading commodities through his private firm. At one point his company’s subsidiary, Alphe Limitada, controlled 45 percent of Bolivia's sales of tin.
During the 1980’s, Rich’s influence over the metals market in Bolivia impacted millions of trading dollars. In 1982, Bolivia was swindled out of $4 million with the illegal sale of 400 metric tons of tin to a company in Thailand. And while on the run, Rich’s fugitive status diminished the marketing prospects of Bolivia’s tin. It is widely believed that Rich’s company precipitated a failed attempt by Malaysia to corner the tin market and raise prices on a world-scale. The fiscal scandal cost the Malaysian government $150 million.
Eventually Rich’s business practices came to a head. In 1983, then U.S. District Attorney Rudy Giuliani, indicted Rich and his partner Pincus “Pinky” Green on 51 counts of tax evasion, fraud and racketeering. The charges also included violating a presidential decree that forbade trading with the Republic of Iran during the American hostage crisis. The Belgian-born Rich denounced his U.S. citizenship as he and Green fled New York for Switzerland in 1984.
While an international fugitive, Rich continued to manage his company and accumulate wealth - safe from extradition under Swiss law. Widely noted for his secretive oil-trading inner circle, Rich eventually sold his majority share in Marc Rich & Company AG back to the company in 1994 – at which time it assumed the name Glencore in an attempt to create distance from its fugitive founder.
However, Glencore’s questionable behavior continued long after Rich’s departure.
In 2001, the United States, Britain and France barred Glencore from buying more Iraqi oil because of allegations that it violated U.N. rules in the Iraqi Oil-for-Food program. The company was accused of profiting from the diversion of a U.S.-bound shipment of 1 million barrels of Iraqi oil to Croatia, where the oil was sold for about $ 3 more per barrel than it would have in the United States. After being confronted with evidence by UN experts, Glencore agreed to pay $ 3 million into a U.N. fund to buy food, medicine and other humanitarian supplies for Iraq.
Also questionable is the sale of Bolivian mining assets, including Vinto, in 2005.
Pass the Vinto
The Vinto plant has changed hands a few times since originally opening under state management in 1971. In order to meet World Bank and International Monetary Fund lending conditions, Vinto was privatized in 1999 when Britain’s Allied Deals paid $27 million for the smelter and a nearby Huanuni mine.
Later changing its name to RBC Corporation, Allied Deals was investigated by the British government on fraud charges. In the fray, Vinto was liquidated for a mere $6 million in 2002 to a consortium headed by Comsur - a private mining company whose largest stockholder at the time was former Bolivian President Gonzalo (Goni) Sanchez de Lozada.
Goni, himself an international fugitive, fled to Washington DC in 2003 after he resigned as president. He is wanted by the Bolivian government for his role in Black October when 67 people were killed after Goni called in the Bolivian military on protesting citizens. To date, the U.S. government has resisted extraditing Goni who currently lives in Chevy Chase, Maryland.
In 2005 Goni sold Vinto and several mines to Glencore. The price was not disclosed, but it is widely estimated at $220 million, with $90 million being paid for the smelter alone. The sale figure indicates a 1500 percent return on Comsur’s original investment in the tin smelter.
Glencore’s subsidiary Sinchi Wayra, continues to operate 5 mines in the Oruro and Potosi regions that mine and process tin, silver, gold and zinc. As a privately owned company, Glencore’s full financials are not made public, however as of 2006, it was Europe's sixth-largest company with turnover worth of $91 billion and total assets of $32.4 billion. The company has powerful friends with access to the highest levels of influence economically and politically.
Bolivia’s metal markets have been a source of great wealth for international empresarios, at a significant cost to Bolivia's population. Advocating for Glencore, the Swiss ambassador to Bolivia, Beat Luelicer, has asked for legal security. After meeting with Bolivia's mining minister, Luelicer announced serious concern that a bilateral agreement signed in 1991 between Switzerland and Bolivia, for protection of investments, was not applied. The nationalization of Vinto has potential to cause a stir between the Bolivian, U.S. and Swiss governments. However, Morales has more immediate concerns – the demands of his constituents.
Morales’ government has only recently mended a fracture with Bolivia’s mining cooperatives over a proposed increase in mining taxes that would have meant steep increases - between 50 and 160 percent - for the nation’s 536 mining cooperatives that operate in the departments of Cochabamba, La Paz, Oruro and Potosí.
The proposal was modified by Morales’ administration earlier this month after thousands of miners descended upon La Paz to protest the increase. Protestors clashed with police, exploded sticks of dynamite in the street and took two anti-riot police hostage. After a six-hour meeting between miner leadership and Morales, the cooperatives received a reprieve from the tax increase and in addition were granted two out of six seats on the board of directors of the state mining company Comibol to help represent their 55,000 members.
Upon nationalizing Vinto earlier this month Morales announced that the government will create new jobs at the plant and invest $10 million in its modernization.
"I am delivering on the mandate given by the Bolivian people, which was to recover our natural resources," Morales stated.